中国80后的身份认同危机
Identity Crisis of China’s Post 1980s Generation
英国社会心理学家泰弗尔(Henri Tajfel)和他的学生特纳(John C.Turner)在心理学认同理论的基础上区分了个体认同和社会认同,提出了社会认同理论, 在学界产生了广泛影响。Tajfel通过最简群体实验范式发现了个体在社会活动中 会产生群体取向的知觉和行为,提出“我们可以假定,当某些群体对个体社会认同的积极方面有所贡献时,个体倾向于保持该群体成员资格,或者追求获得新的群体成员资格",从而将社会认同界定为“个体对他(或她)归属于特定社会群体的认 知,并且作为群体成员能够对他(或她)产生情感和价值意义’。正是由于从属于不同的社会群体,个体才需要一个社会身份以确定自己在社会上的特殊位置,也 就是说,社会认同就是对作为一个群体成员的自我定义。由此,Tajfel认为,社会认同不仅是从个人角度来解释“我是谁,我将要成为谁",更是对“我们是谁, 我们将要怎么样"的群体身份认同的建构。社会认同理论认为,个体认同(personal identity)是个体对自己独特性的认知,它使个体在时空上确立了自己是同一个人 而非其他人。而社会认同(social identity)则是依据社群成员资格来建构的认同,即个体意识到自己所在群体的成员所应该具备的资格,及其价值和情感的重 要性。人的认同一旦发生危机,则不仅意味着“人的自我感”和“内在深度感”的危机,也意味着“人与他者的关系以及在人与他者的关系中形成的意义观、价 值观和地位感的危机”。个体认同和社会认同的区分,为个体行为与群体行为研究构建了有效的平台,为社会现象及社会问题的研究拓展了思路和空间。
British social psychologist Henri Tajfel and his student John C. Turner distinguished the personal identity and social identity on the basis of the identity theory of psychology, and put forward social identity theory, which had a wide influence in the academia. On the basis of the minimal-group paradigm, Tajfel discovered that group-oriented consciousness and behavior would generated in personal social activities and further put forward that “we can assume that when certain group makes positive contribution to personal social identify, such individual tends to maintain this group membership qualification or pursue to this group membership qualification”. Thus he defined social identity as “personal cognition for his (her) identity in specific social group, the membership of which can bring him (her) emotional and value significance”. It is because individuals belong to various social groups that they need a social identity to determine his (her) special position in society. That is to say, social identity is a self-definition of a group member. Therefore according to Tajfel, social identity is not only an individual perspective used to explain “who am I, who am I going to be”, but also a concept construction for group identity to explain “who are we, and who are we going to be”. According to social identity theory, personal identity is a distinct recognition for oneself, which makes individual identify himself (herself) as a special entity rather than anyone else in the space time continuum. While social identity constructs personal recognition in terms of social group membership qualification, which makes individual realize the qualification of members in the group he (she) belongs to and its value and emotional significance. Identity crisis not only endangers the “sense of self” and “inherent depth perception”, but also damages “the relationship between individual and others and the meaning, value and sense of status formed in such relationship”. The differentiation between personal identity and social identity constructs an effective platform for the research of individual behavior and group behavior and expands ideas and space for the research of social phenomenon and social issues.
同时, 我们也要看到,西方的社会结构下,强调的是平等自由和个人的权利,团体界限清晰,群己关系明确。而中国社会结构下,重视关系和人情,社会分化和职业分工仍在进行,群己关系依然模糊。而个人和社会认同理论是在西方语境下提出的,由于社会制度以及历史文化的差异,是不能直接推论到中国社会的，这给研究中国80后青年增加了难度。
Meanwhile, we need to see that under the social structure of the western countries, equality and freedom as well as individual rights are strengthened and put in the first place with clear group boundaries and definite group-individual relationship. However, under the social structure of China, interpersonal relationship and human feeling stay at more important position, social differentiation and occupational division are still developing and group-individual relationship is still indistinct. Considering that the personal and social identity theories were put forward under the western context and there are obvious differences in social system and historic culture between western society and Chinese society, such theories cannot be inferred and applied to Chinese society directly. Therefore it is more difficult to research the post-1980s generation of China.
身份认同的研究业已成熟,国内外学者因其研究维度不同而对身份认同的界定各有侧重,有的关注身份认同的结果、有的则侧重身份认同的过程、还有的侧重于身份认同的社会期待。鉴于本研究是对“80后"的社会生存状态以及内在要求把握的需要,我们将“80后"的身份认同界定为“80后”个体对其社会身份的主体感觉和确认。
As the identity research becomes more and more mature, there are various definitions of identity domestic and abroad on the basis of different research dimensionalities. Some of them pay attention to the result of identity, some attached importance to the process of identity, and others emphasized social expectation of identity. Considering that this research aims at finding out the social living condition and intrinsic requirements of the “post-1980s generation”, we hereby define the identity as the personal feeling and identification of individual of “post-1980s generation” for his/her social identity.
从历史的维度看，1980年代甚嚣尘上的思想文化解放运动，“80后”们仅仅赶上了一点末梢，如同浮光掠影；1990年代兴起的重商主义大潮，他们成为当仁不让的被动受洗群体；而2000年代产生的撕扯碰撞、颠覆疯狂、时艰劫难，他们则是必然的承受者、担当者，抑或逃避者、牺牲者。举例来说，对比上一代， 八零后的父母们都由国家分配工作，住着政府补助房，八零后们却只能在几乎没有固定道路且不断变动的社会结构中为生存挣扎。人们的理解是，勤奋学习就会有令人更满意的事业和更多的财富，而农民和工人，这些在我童年时备受尊重和推崇、被印在海报上的形象，变成了人们口中的底层人民。为了逃避成为他们，每年有900万人次的学生会参加高考，对于大多数家庭来说，这一次的考试决定了孩子一生的命运，巨大的压力使得很多人因为高考失利而结束生命。 但现实是，高学历并不能保证一份前程，一份2011年的调查显示，21－25岁有大学文凭的人群失业率超过16%，而实际比例远高于此。相反，他们曾经不屑的农民和工人阶层，却因中国制造业的日益发达而十分抢手，收入和工作机会都超过了高学历的80后。这使得80后们产生了巨大的心理落差，陷入了迷惘和不解，本应是天之骄子的他们，似乎永远无法跟上中国社会的变革。
In the historical dimension, the widely spread ideology and culture liberation movement in the 1980s only had limited influence on the “post-1980s generation”; while the mercantilism tide emerged in the 1990s controlled the mind of this generation; and the idea collided and crazy era of the 2000s made this generation the bearer, undertaker or evader and victim of the times inevitably. For example, compared with the last generation, the parents of “post-1980s generation” were allocated with jobs assignment and government subsidy housing, while the “post-1980s generation” can only struggle to survive in the constantly changing social structure with no fixed development model to follow. They believe that hardworking brings people with more satisfactory career and more fortune, and farmers and workers, who were once fully respected, highly praised and printed on posters in my childhood now turn to be the group at the bottom of society. To avoid such destiny, there are about 9 million students to participate in the college entrance examination every year. For most families, this exam determines the whole life of their children. Under such great pressure, many students selected to commit suicide when failed in this exam. However, the reality is that, high education is unable to guarantee a good future. According to a survey in 2011, the unemployment rate of people between 21 and 25 years old with college diploma was over 16% and the actual ratio was even higher than this figure. In the contrary, the farmers and workers had more employment opportunities owing to the more and more developed manufacturing industry of China, with higher income and more opportunities than the “post-1980s generation” with high education background. Such reality brings enormous psychological letdown and confusions to the “post-1980s generation”, who should be the specially privileged talents while seem to fail to follow the change of society invariably.
崇科技至上、唯科学主义所带来的价值危机和人文精神的失落，加剧了80后的价值迷茫。于此同时，看似无限可能的虚拟网络世界又为80后提供了逃避现实的精神依赖的便捷途径。与前人不同,“80后”的怀旧更多地融入了时代元素和各种新兴技术手段。 90年代中国的怀旧风潮也曾盛极一时,但那时的传播手段还仅局限于印刷、广播、 电视、电影等传统的传播媒介。而“80后"的集体怀旧从一开始就借助了网络的力量,网络打破了城市和地域的界限,将“80后"这个群体紧紧联系在了一起。 网络信息的高速传递和扩散,使得“80后的”怀旧由个体行为迅速演变成一种群 体风潮。而网络技术的多样性则使得“80后"的怀旧拥有了更生动鲜活的表达形 式以及更为多样化的表达途径。文字、图片、影像、FLASH动画以及PS图像合成等信息技术相结合的表现形式,使得“80后"的集体怀旧呈现出极强的可视性和 动态性。而BBS、贴吧、博客、播客、维客、微博、微信的广泛使用,则使得“80 后"的集体怀旧具有了更宽广的舆论阵地和更便捷的表达手段。同时,网络传播 的低成本和高效率也使得“80后”的怀旧更加快捷,只需复制、粘贴、保存和发送,任何人、任何地点、任何时间,沟通都可以无障碍的快速完成。例如，2010年，一首叫做《李雷与韩梅梅之歌》的网络歌曲，在80后网民中迅速传播开来，很多人听后都。李雷与韩梅梅，是生于1980到1988年间的一代再熟悉不过的人物。他们源自人教社1993年新版初中英语教材的卡通插画，一个顶着小平头，一个留着齐耳短发，伴着插图画和英式口语灌制的磁带贯穿了“80后”的青春期，但自从英语教材改版，这两个卡通人物也消失了。谁也不曾料想，十几年后，他们又重回“80后”的视线，并被创作成歌曲，在网络上疯狂流传。感伤的旋律，隐喻的填词，残酷的现实与无奈的结局，勾起了一代人的集体怀旧。
The value crises and the decline of humanistic spirits owing to the scientism idea trend which puts science and technology at the top priority aggravate the value confusion of “post-1980s generation”. At the same time, the virtual network world which seems to have infinite possibilities provides psychological dependence and convenient way for the “post-1980s generation” to escape from the reality. Different from other previous generations, the reminiscence of the “post-1980s generation” is integrated with era elements and various kinds of emerging technology means. Even though the reminiscence trend of China was also in flourish in the 1990s, the communication means were limited to printing, radio, TV, film and similar traditional media. However, the collective reminiscence of the “post-1980s generation” is supported by the effort of network from the very beginning. The internet breaks the urban and geographical boundary and connects the group members together. The high-speed spread of network information turns the individual behavior of reminiscence of the “post-1980s generation” to be a group trend. Besides, the diversity of network technology brings the “post-1980s generation” more vivid and active expression forms and more diversified expression means. The comprehensive representation form which integrates characters, pictures, videos, flashes, PS and relevant information technologies makes the collective reminiscence of the “post-1980s generation” more interesting and dynamic. In addition, with the extensive application of BBS, post bar, blog, Podcast, Wiki, microblog and WeChat, the collective reminiscence of “post-1980s generation” gains wider platform for public opinions and more convenient expression method. Meanwhile, the low cost and high efficiency of network communication makes the reminiscence faster and convenient. Under such condition, communication can be realized rapidly without obstruction by means of copying, pasting, saving and sending to anyone at any time and place. For instance in 2010, a net song called The Song of Li Lei and Han Meimei spread rapidly among netizens of the “post-1980s generation” and touched their hearts. Born between 1980 and 1988, Li Lei and Han Meimei are well-known figures with cropped and bobbed haircuts respectively from the cartoon illustrations on the middle school English Textbook of 1993 Edition. The cassettes with British English accent accompanied by the illustrations ran through the entire adolescence of the “post-1980s generation”. Since the revision of the textbook, these two cartoon figures faded away as well. It is unexpected that they come back after ten more years and are created to be a famous song and widely spread on the internet. The sorrowful melody, implied lyric, cruel reality and helpless ending lead to the collective reminiscence of a whole generation.
红领巾和少先队员成为了一种怀旧符号，80后在提起这段历史，总是五味陈杂，已经没有人能够理解自己儿时为何会对此如此狂热。到如今，我依旧对班里第一个入少先队的姑娘印象深刻。那是是个品学兼优的好少年。我记得那天艳阳高照，她带着老师亲手做的大红花，被我们这些小喽罗簇拥着。她胸前的红领巾迎风飘扬，脸上无法抑制的微笑。我们一个个都热泪盈眶，因为老师教导我们说“红领巾是被烈士的鲜血染成的”，这让我们觉得入队是如此神圣的事情。
The red scarf and young pioneer have become a reminiscence symbol of the “post-1980s generation”. When they remind this memory, they always feel quite complicated and cannot understand why they could be so enthusiastic in the childhood. By now, I still have profound impression on the girl who was the first young pioneer in my class. She was an excellent student in character and learning. I can still remember that sunny day when she worn a big red flower made of paper by the teacher and crowded by us. Her red scarf flied in the wind and she smiled unintentionally. Every student was filled with tears, because we had been told once and once again that the “red scarf was colored by the blood of martyrs” by teachers. At that time, we believed that being a young pioneer is such a sacred thing.
后来我还参加了中国55年大庆的天安门前的游行仪式，我和北京成千上万的学生一起组成了少先队员方阵，为了使得我们圆满完成组织下达的任务，我有一年的时间贡献给了军事训练，几乎不能安心学习，只为在游行上有最完美的表现。这段经历现在看起来匪夷所思，但我却清楚地记得当时的自豪感，在连续一年的爱国主义熏陶和教育下，我坚信不疑地认为，自己是在为国家做贡献。但现在，随着意识形态的转变，让我甚至怀疑现在的自己和童年时的自己是否是同一个人，那些红色的记忆似乎完全不属于我，使得成年后的我对这些记忆有一种强烈的抵抗。可矛盾的是，在抵触的同时，那段时光又是我生命中最单纯没有压力的年代，思想教育代替了自我的思考，一切显得如此简单和纯粹，哪怕被指引的方向不过是一个乌托邦。
Later on I participated in the parade ceremony in front of the Tiananmen Square to celebrate the 55th national day of China. Together with thousands of students in Beijing, we formed a young pioneer matrix. To perfectly complete the mission assigned by the organization, we contributed one year to military training and could hardly study at ease, only for the purpose of providing the consummate performance on the parade. This experience may be unimaginable nowadays, while I can still clearly remember the sense of pride at that moment. With a whole year of patriotism edification and education, I absolutely convinced that I was making contribution to the country at that moment. However at present, as the development and change of ideology, I even doubt that if I am still the same person with the kid in childhood. The red scarf and enthusiastic memories seems to be memories of someone else and I even have an intense resistance to these memories after grown up. While paradoxically, that period was the purest time in my life without any pressure, during such period, the ideological education took place of self-thinking and everything was so simple and pure, even if the direction was only a Utopia.
一个被80后所拥护的地下乐队《万能青年旅店》最出名的歌曲叫做《杀死那个石家庄人》。许多喜爱这首歌的青年人们，都认为这首歌唱出了他们心中的痛苦，就像在唱自己的生活。着而乐队对于这首歌的解读如下：80年代出生的人亲身经历了这种从繁荣转向衰弱的历程，他们所受的教育是单纯的理想和浪漫主义，而满眼所见的，全都是金钱至上和欲望崇拜——生于理想，死于欲望，是这一代人最良好的写照。《杀死那个石家庄人》实际上就是对这种状态的一种描述。
An underground band called Omnipotent Youth Society advocated by the “post-1980s generation” had a famous song named Kill the Shijiazhuang Man. Many young fans believed that this song expressed their inner pains and their own lives. The band illustrated the song as: people born in the 1980s experienced the process from prosperity to downfall. Even though they got pure and ideal romanticism education, what they saw was a money-oriented and desire worship world. Born in ideal and die in desire was the most appropriate reflection of the generation. The song is actually a description for this condition.
当“60后”、“70后”中的相当一部分人还在诟病“80后”幼稚、娇惯、叛逆的时候，当“80后”自身仍未放弃对时尚与新潮不懈追随的时候，“怀旧”过早地被降临，“回归”过早地被渴望。“80后”如此界定自己的怀旧行为：它就是那个已然失落的精神乌托邦。武汉大学发布的一项调查结果显示：住房、婚恋、竞争压力、人际关系、父母赡养、个人亚健康状况、保险保障等，构成了“80后”青年普遍面临的现实枷锁。对于来自中小城市工薪家庭及农村家庭的人而言，上述压力尤为明显。
When some of the “post-1960s generation” and “post-1970s generation” still criticize that the “post-1980s generation” is too naïve, spoiled and traitorous, and when the “post-1980s generation” still catch up with the fashion and new trends, “reminiscence” is widely spread and “return” is extensively desired. The “post-1980s generation” defines their reminiscence behavior as to retrospect the spiritual Utopia which has faded. According to a survey of Wuhan University, housing, marriage, competitive pressure, interpersonal relationship, parents’ maintenance, personal sub-health and insurance cover constitute the universal reality fetters of the “post-1980s generation”. The pressures mentioned above are more obvious for those from working-class families in small and medium-sized cities and rural families.
残酷的生态直接对应危险的表征。《中国青年报》针对“青年”问题的样本分析表明：14%的受访者出现抑郁症状，17%出现焦虑症状，12%存在敌对情绪。2005年，北京联合大学的程小龙向北京联大、对外经贸、北京中医大和北京化工大的“80后”学生发放了200份调查问卷，结果显示，近1/3被访者承认“产生过自杀念头”。在大城市的“80后”白领，因压力考虑过自杀的，北京占到12%，上海23%，深圳10%，广州8%。在我的身边，患有抑郁症和抑郁症倾向的80后青年越来越多。上海召开的世界心理治疗大会上，有关专家指出，中国抑郁症患者达3000万人，仅有10%的人接受正规治疗。平均每年有约25万人自杀，自杀人群中一半以上患有抑郁症，而且抑郁症已成为“中国第五大杀手”。《中国日报》认为，自杀已成为这80后人群死亡的首要原因，而上海的一份医学研究报告则称，“处于亚健康状态的‘80后’白领占到总人数的70%。”
Cruel living condition directly corresponds with the dangerous symptoms. The sample analysis aiming at “youth” issues made by the China Youth News indicated that 14% of respondents had depression symptom, 17% had anxiety symptom and 12% had hostility. In 2005, Cheng Xiaolong from Beijing Union University issued 200 questionnaires to the students born in 1980s in Beijing Union University, Foreign Trade University, Beijing University of Chinese Medicine and Beijing University of Chemical Technology. The results displayed that nearly 1/3 of the respondents acknowledged that they “had suicidal thought”. Among the “post-1980s generation” white-collar workers in major cities who had considered committing suicide owing to pressure, Beijing took 12%, Shanghai took23%, Shenzhen took 10%, and Guangzhou, 8%. Besides, I discovered that the population of “post-1980s generation” with depression or depression tendency around me keeps increasing. In the World Congress of Psychotherapy held in Shanghai, relevant specialist indicated that the population of depression patients in China reached 30million and only 10% of them accepted normal treatment. There were approximately 250, 000 people committed suicide each year, half of them had depression. More over, depression has become the “fifth killer in China”. According to the China Daily, suicide has become the primary cause for death of “post-1980s generation”. A medical research report of Shanghai stated that “the ‘post-1980s generation’ white-collar workers take 70% of the total population of people staying at sub-heath status.”
在微博上拥有四千万粉丝的80后作家、赛车手XX在谈到80后的现状时，用了一种诙谐而无奈的态度来表达看法：“苦不堪言。钱都让50后60后挣去了，女人都给70后泡去了。所以80后还是挺苦的，因为社会压力很大，尤其是房子，特别贵。80后是房子真正的刚性需求者，因为娶老婆要买房。可能对别人来说，觉得这房子太贵了，再等一等。80后等不了，你一等，可能老婆就没了，房子更涨了。所以说，80后压力最大。”
When speaking of the current situation of “post-1980s generation”, writer and speed racer XX with over 40 million fans on the Microblog, who was also born in 1980s, expressed his ideas in a humorous and helpless way, “It’s quite miserable. The post-1950s and 1960s generations have earned large amount of money and the 1970s generation have dated with women. While for the 1980s generation, life is bitter owing to the large social pressure, particularly the expensive housing cost. For other people, they can wait until the housing price declines, while for the post-1980s generation with rigid demand, they need to buy houses for marriage. They cannot wait, considering the marriage opportunity may disappear and the house price may increase. Therefore, the post-1980s generation is facing largest pressure.”
一位普通的80后在看完电影《老男孩》后写到：“小时候流行一种零食叫做无花果，而我们的青春却是有花无果，这一代人生长在最无忧无虑的童年，一走进社会却面临各种无法承受的压力。在各种压力的夹缝中生存，房子，车，结婚等等，大好年华却像一个中年人一样如履薄冰的经营者办公室的关系，还房贷。对于周围的同学，毕业的，我更多的是听到绝望和厌世的说法，生活太难了，社会太恶心了，我自己觉得，可能生活和社会本来就是这样，要理性的面对这些，如果依旧无法安心成为一个奋斗着的姿态，那么就多想想那些童年时的小美好吧 。”
After watching the movie Old Boy, a post-1980s indicated that, “There was a famous snack named fig in my childhood, however our youth tree only has flowers without fruits. We lived in the carefree childhood while started to face unbearable pressure since entered into society. We live under various kinds of pressure such as living, housing, vehicle and marriage issues and spend effort on handling with the relationships in offices and paying house loan carefully and elaborately like a middle-aged man. Many schoolmates graduated from school express their desperate and pessimistic thoughts about the difficulty of life and the sickness of society. I believe that this is may be just the way life and society are and we need to see it in a more rational perspective. If it is difficult to strive for success, then just think about the little fineness in our childhood.”
80后艺术作品的卡通化
Cartoon-like expression of artistic works produced by the post-1980s generation
80后的思维中卡通已经成为了代言自己的虚拟主体,他们的精神诉求似乎滞留于虚拟的空间中,没有精神依托和归宿、没有集体式的政治抱负和信仰倾向,他们的艺术内涵显得轻浮、失落,没有根基, 缺少对社会性问题的关注和表达,他们社会身份中丧失了责任感,他们的思想似乎仍然单纯,因而他们的语言也显得直白和单调。并非他们脱离不开符号的约束,而是他们的诉求需要这个载体转化为直接的 艺术语言。我感觉有些时候他们甚至分不清现实与虚拟的边界,现实 中他们很孤独,可虚拟世界中他们的生活是异常的充实。另外,他们的语言很多时候是没有感觉的符号,类似混沌的概念在他们的意识中是分辨不清的。而虚拟常常导致他们不能客观地认知自己,这或许也是他们精神空虚、意欲膨胀的因素。他们习惯于模仿漫画中的人物, 并无形之中将自己引进了动画的场面。始终处于彷徨的游离状态,思维游离于梦幻与游戏之中,唯我的意识使他们的大脑思维中少了参与社会的责任,似乎他们的身份概念中缺少社会成员的公共属性,因而 他们在参与社会活动中总以一种特殊的姿态袖手旁观。80后的艺术表达建立在这样的状态基础上,他们常常将语言抽象化,意喻隐含其中,然而这种抽象的个性语言在公众眼里显得另类和怪异。
Cartoon has become the virtual subject in the thought of the post-1980s generation. Their spiritual demands seem to stay in the virtual space without spiritual sustenance and destination, or collective political aspiration and belief tendency. The artistic connotation seems to be frivolous, sad, lacking of firm foundation and attention to and expression for social issues. Their social identity gradually losses sense of responsibility. With pure thoughts, their language expressions are straightforward and monotonous. It is not because that they cannot get rid of the restriction of symbols, instead, their demands need to be transferred to be direct artistic language thorough this carrier. I think sometimes it is difficult for them to distinguish the boundary between reality and virtuality. In realistic world, they are lonely and helpless, while in virtual world, their lives are full and substantial. Besides, their languages tend to be insensitive symbols and they cannot distinguish the confusing concepts. In addition, addicted to the virtual world, they cannot objectively perceive themselves, and consequently become barren spiritually with inflated desires. They are accustomed to imitate figures in cartoon and introduce themselves into the virtual scenes. Always staying in hesitated and free state, their thoughts are addicted to illusion and games. With egocentric awareness, they are lack of social responsibilities and the identity concepts are short of common attributes of social members. Therefore, they tend to hold a special stand-by attitude in the participation of social activities. Based on such condition, the artistic expression of the post-1980s generation always abstracts the language and implies the meaning in it. However this kind of abstract language seems to be weird and strange in the eyes of other people.
80后的艺术创作唯我、自恋,自我形象常常是他们基于创作的原型,行为举止和意识幻想更是他们依托表达的本体元素,作为艺术个体他们的语言显示了极其丰富的内在特性,很多作品中鲜活的当代 性元素让人眼前一亮、耳目一新,这表明了他们超现实主义的艺术表达不仅有创造力、亦有艺术性、思想性,80后的当代性艺术品质中充斥了中国当代艺术的一些前卫性内涵,也深刻的揭示了超现实主义的思想内涵。
The artistic creation of the post-1980s generation tends to be egocentric and narcissistic and is always based on self-image and behavior and consciousness illusion. As art individual, their language displays abundant intrinsic characteristics and many works inspire and present us with fresh and alive contemporary elements, which indicate that the surreal artistic expression has creativity, artistry and ideological content. The contemporary artistic quality of the post-1980s generation is full of the edgy connotation of Chinese contemporary art and reveals the ideological implication of surrealism.
毋庸置疑,卡通与80后的成长结下了难以割舍的不解之缘。卡通的语言中不仅融合了他们成长的某种成分,同时在某种程度上保留了他们情感中的某些属性特征,80后的生活情趣锁定在卡通符号里面,卡通语言的内涵价值也由此变得丰富、具体。无论挪用还是复制,卡通形式的表达被80后艺术家们随心所欲地惯用。
Beyond doubt, cartoon has formed indissoluble bound with the grown-up process of the post-1980s generation. The cartoon-like language not only integrates some kinds of elements of their grown-up process, but also maintains some emotional attributive characteristics to some extent. Containing the joy of life of the post-1980s generation, the intrinsic value of cartoon language is therefore enriched and embodied. No matter by embezzling or copying, the cartoon-like expression is utilized at will by the artists of the post-1980s generation.
卡通以一种单纯的符号封存着80后的情感和记忆,仔细揣摩会发现这种符号保留着感性的温度,80后对此流露出的兴奋让我们深刻意识到符号的意义和巨大的视觉冲击力量,符号保存时间性记忆、娱乐性成分、文化性积淀、语言文学式的叙事撰写,我似乎可以这样认为卡通形式上的单纯客观体现80后本质中仍然保留的那分单纯与可爱的元素,极其夸张的语言中那种喜爱幻想的成分变得肆无忌惮、意无止境, 仿佛艺术带来的愉悦完全是凭借丰富的想象达成的。卡通艺术的表达让我们看到80后的品质中仍然固守着他们青少年时期单纯的情感,某些方面他们给人的印象就是永恒中的美与真。
With simple symbols, cartoon seals up the emotion and memory of the post-1980s generation, and such symbols still retain their emotional temperature. The excitement of the post-1980s for this kind of expression makes us realize the significance of symbol and the enormous visual impact. The time memory, entertainment element, culture accumulation and language narrative expression of symbols make me feel that the pure form of cartoon represents the simple and cure elements reserved in the inner heart of the post-1980s generation and the fantastic elements in the extremely exaggerated language become unscrupulous and endless. It seems that the pleasures brought by art are realized by abundant imagination. The cartoon-like expression indicates that the characters of the post-1980s generation still maintain the pure emotion of their adolescent period and they still impress us with eternal beauty and purity to some extent.
80后的艺术语言中偏爱卡通,分明表明他们对卡通的依恋超出,理性的边界,感性的表达 和眷顾让他们无所适从地服从于总维中某些定武约束,并在这种定式的影响下屈从于思维想象中惯性的诱惑,这种诱惑无疑是一种 抗拒理性思考的阻力,是思维潜意识中的与理性思考相抵触的一种习惯性联想,当然这样的联想中有着可能是灵魂中纵情放歌自由畅想的 魅力,因此,诱惑似乎无法抗拒。无论怎样,驰骋于80后思维空间里的狂想元素来自于虚拟世界中的自我表达,仍然与成长过程的孤独经历有着密不可分的牵连。伴随着他们的成长和成熟,现实与幻想交 织而成的思考不断使这个连贯的思绪得到拓展,同时也使他们的表达变得完全自我、放荡不羁。
The special preference of artistic language of the post-1980s generation for cartoon indicates that their dependence on cartoon goes beyond a rational level. Emotional expression makes them subject to the restriction of some thinking patterns and to the customary temptation of thinking and imagination under such thinking patterns. This kind of temptation is no doubt a resistance for rational thinking and a customary imagination existed in the sub-consciousness contradicted with rational thinking. Of course such imagination may contain the charm of free thinking and therefore becomes irresistible. In any case, the crazy elements existing in the thoughts of the post-1980s generation are a kind of self-expression in the virtual world, which have inseparable connection with the lonely experience of grown-up process. As they grow older and become more mature, the thinking based on the integration of reality and illusion constantly expands this consistent thought and makes their expression more egocentric and out of control.